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William Henry Davis was born Louisville Kentucky, February 18, 1872.  The son of former slaves Jerry and Susan Davis.  Davis graduated form Lou­isvi­lle Colored High School in June 1888 at the age of 16, second in his class of eighteen students. Davis delivered the graduat­ion address he titled, "The Dignity of Labor".

 

After graduation Davis ap­pl­ied to Louisvi­lle's Bryant and Stratton B­usi­ness Col­lege, but the dean brusquely told him the college did not admit black stu­dents. The dean explained to Davis that though the college had no intention of admitting a black student it had every intention of hiring a black janitor, and if he wanted the

job it was his.

 

Undaunt­ed by the dean's unveiled insult Davis

accepted the job immediately. He got short­hand and type­writing books from J.C. Wright, an itin­erant black tea­cher from Chicago, Illinois and quickly taught himself stenography and typ­ing by copy­ing the white stu­dents' les­sons from the school's bl­ack­ boards before he washed them each night.

 

In September 1889 the Cary & Spindle law firm employed Davis as a stenographer and typist. One of the firm's partners, Willis Overton Harris, was a former Kentucky judge who took an amused interest in Davis’ mastery of stenogra­phy and typing because he had never seen a black person with those secretarial skills. Judge Harris, equally impressed by Davis ‘ eager­ness to learn,

suggested he spend lunch hours in the firm's second-floor li­brary reading law books and reviewing case folders.

 

When Davis be­came fa­mil­iar with legal terms and procedures, he became ste­nographer in two of Louisv­ill­e's cele­brat­ed crim­inal trials - the Kilkenny mur­der case and the Cather­ine Feh­ler abo­rtion tri­al.

 

Four years later, in 1892, Thaddeus W. Spindle, one of the firm's senior partners, was appointed manager of Louisvill's branch of the Germ­ania Safety Vault and Trust Company. He hired Davis as the ban­k's stenog­rapher.  Davis found himself at the age of 21 with a good salary and a rare white-color po­si­tion in one of the cit­y's leading finan­cial in­sti­tu­tions

 

In 1895 Davis cam­paigned in the black commu­nity for a slate of Repub­lican candi­dates seeking election to Louisvill­e's City Coun­cil. Because William Davis and his family held promi­nent church offic­es it was not difficult to rally many members of the Fifth Street Baptist Church congrega­tion to support the Republicans. His older bro­ther, Leslie Davis, was Sunday school clerk and his younger brot­her,

 

John Bull Da­vis, was Sun­day school librarian.­ His sister, Rachel, taught Sun­day school and William Davis was clerk of the Young Peoples' Union and a mem­ber of the ju­nior choir.

On Election Day, in November 1895, Davis  drove voters to the polls in the same horse-drawn wagon his father, Jerry Davis, used todeliver Dr. Bull's patent medi­cines. The Republicans won control of the City Council on the strength of their faithful support from voters in the city's heavily black-popu­lated ninth and tenth wards, where Davis had organized vot­ers.

In Jan­uary 1896, Davis' own politi­cal reward was ap­point­ment as May­or Todd's pri­vate stenogra­pher and he bec­ame associate editor of Todd's week­ly black news­paper, "The Ken­tucky Sta­ndard."

 In  the spring of 1896 Davis met Julia Louise Hubbard, a strikingly attractive mu­latto women. They had three children.  Davis established a commercial school division in conjunction with the Louisville Colored School System. 

 

On the new century's eve, in June 1899, William and Julia Davis, ­ pack­ed their chattel goods and with their infant children, Sara and William, boarded­ the colored car of a coal-fired train in Louisville, Kentucky. They were riding north, to­ Washing­ton, D.C., that shining city on a hill whose gleaming beacon of refuge­ and hope beckoned a generation of post Reconstruc­tion black Americans. In 1902 Howard University awarded Davis a Doctorate of Pharmacology.

 

In Washington D.C, Davis started the Mott Night business High School. The school district heard about the success of Davis ' school and asked him to become principal of Armstrong High School.

 

Davis worked for the Treasury Department and became the official stenographer for the National Negro Business League.  During World War I, Dr. Davis served as Secretary to Dr. Emmett Scott, Special Assistant to the United States Secretary of War.

 

In the 1920's, Dr. Davis served as Secretary to the Presidential Commission investigating the economic conditions in the Virgin Islands. In 1934 Davis served as special advisor on  compliance  and enforcment for  the National Recovery Administration.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 


 

 

Davis Featured in an Era in Progress
 Dr. Davis' Work in the War Department
 An Era in Progress
 Davis Listed as a Notoble Kentucky African Americans
 Dr. Davis featured in G.F. Richings 1902 edition of Evidences of Progress among Colored people
 The Negro, in the Great World War for Freedom and Democracy

 

Emmett Scott, Special Assistant to Honorable Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, Reflections on William H. Davis

 

 

© 2006, The John P. Davis Collection, All Rights Reserved
| (202) 595-9150


 

William H Davis

Left to Right: Dr. William H. Davis  Miss Ernestine English. Mr. R. W. Thompson, Mr. Charles Webb, Mr. J. B. Smith, Mrs. Madeline P. Childs, and Seated Dr. Emmett Scott, Dr William H Davis, served in the War Department as assistant to Dr Emett Scott Special Asistant to the Secretary of War.

In October 1917, U.S. Secretary Baker appointed Emmett J. Scott, to the poistion of  assistant to the Secretary of War. Scott's appointment was, at the time, the highest government commission ever given an African American. Scott said Secretary Baker named him to the post because he wanted to have in the War Depart­ment a colored man in touch with Northern and Southern white people and colored people, who could advise whenever delicate questions arose affecting the interests of colored people in the United States." Scott de­scribed his mission as "... helping bring the race into sympa­thetic understanding and cheerful cooperation with the plans and purpose of the government as they relate to the great strug­gle in which the world is now involved." He said he was a "confi­dential advisor in matters affecting the interest of the 10,000,­000 negroes of the United States.. and the part they are to play in connection with the present war."

 

Scott appointed William H. Davis as his own special assistant and manager of his five-person War Department staff. He was impressed with William H. Davis' work as official stenog­rapher at annual conventions of Booker T. Washington's National Negro Business League and con­vinced him to leave his Treasury Department to make a meaningful contribu­tion toward black progress.

 

At the War Department, Davis handled the complaints of black soldiers, making sure they and their families received the government benefits to which they were entitled and assuring that the newly institut­ed Selec­tive Service regula­tions were applied equally to all people. He soon discovered that though eligible black Ameri­cans were 10.7 percent of the population they consti­tuted 13 percent of those called to military service, even though the Selective Service procedure was supposedly color blind.

 

Davis'  investigation of this irregularity revealed that black men were excluded from sitting on southern draft boards, and white men, some of whom may have wanted to shield their own sons from the dangers of military service, found it easy to draft black men in disproportionate numbers. Davis' findings were sent to Secretary Baker and then to the Wilson White House, but nothing changed.

 

In a letter of complaint to William H. Davis  at the War Depart­ment that was later pub­lished in the "Pittsburgh Courier" Houston wrote: "The hate and scorn heaped upon us as Negro officers by our Americans, at Camp Mencou and Vannes, in France convinced me there was no sense dying in a world ruled by them...They boarded us off from our fellow white officers. They made us eat on benches in order to maintain segregation, and they destroyed our prestige in front of French officers." Houston told Davis that he was so disheartened by his treatment as a military officer that he did not apply for several medals for which he was eligible.

 

As reports of Army racism became more frequent DuBois went to France to see for himself the conditions of black fight­ing men and to gather material for his "History of the Black Man in the Great War." During three months in Europe he saw black sol­diers humiliated and badly treated.  His initial enthusi­asm for black participation in the war diminished. In the "Crisis"  DuBois reported "no person in an official position dare tell the truth" about the treatment of black soldiers.

 

Despite Davis' frustration over his War Department office's inability to make any significant changes in the way 

black servicemen were treated, or to gain any assurance that life for black Americans would improve after the war, his tenure there was not without personal reward.

 

Black women had never served in the United States Navy and in 1917 Davis convinced Secretary Baker to establish the first Navy office staffed by black women. The 16 black Yeomane­ttes, who were enlisted personnel and wore official U.S. Navy uniforms, worked in the Muster Roll division at Washin­gton's Navy Yard under the command of John T. Risher, a member of the city's black elite. They were respon­sible for documenting the movement of war ships and the Navy men who sailed them and assuring that their benefits and pay checks were paid on time.

 

The 16 members of the black Yeomanettes included several members of Washington's elite black families, Catalina Boyd, Josie Washington and Ruth Osbourne, who would become the grand­mother of President William Jefferson Clinton's Secretary of Commerce, Ronald Harmon Brown. William Davis' was especially proud of his nineteen year old daugh­ter, Yeomane­tte Sara Louise Davis.

 

 At the end of the war, when black servicemen returned they found the nation's racial climate had not improved. It had, in fact, become worse as the Red Summer of 1919 brought riots and racial violence to many American cities, including Washingto­n, D.C. The competi­tion for jobs and adequate housing in a nation gearing down from an economy driven by war production was fierce. Racial prejudice banned returning black servicemen from lucrative employ­ment and membership in labor unions even as apprentices

 

 



 

 

 




 

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